IN THE
HON’BLE SUPREME COURT OF INDIA
(Order XVI
Rule 4(1) (a)
CIVIL
APPELLATE JURISDICTION
SPECIAL LEAVE
PETITION
(Under Article 136
of the Constitution of India)
S.L.P.
(Civil) No. .......................of....2008.
The Impugned Judgement and Order dated 28.11.2007
( Copy of Judgement Received on 09.01.2008 )Passed by Hon’ble The Chief
Justice Mr. H .L. Gokhale and Hon’ble Justice Pankaj Mittal of Allahabad High Court allowing the Special Appeal No. 1330 of 2007,
State of U.P. through Secretary, Basic Education, U.P. Lucknow and others
Versus Km. Sunbul Naqvi and thereby
setting aside the judgement and order dated 14.09.2007 passed by Hon’ble Mr.
Arun Tandon in Writ petition No. 44085 of 2006
BETWEEN
Position of parties
A.
Sunil
Kumar Singh, s/o Sri Madan Singh, R/o Barmalpur, Post- Chandvak, District
Jaunpur.
B.
Krishna Kumar Dubey s/o
Narvadeshwar Prasad Dubey, R/o Villager Jaukabad, Post Khutahan, District
Jaunpur.
C.
Lal
Pratap Singh s/o Sri Chhangur Prasad Singh, R/o Devral Chandvak (Bhansha),
Jaunpur.
D.
Ram
Milan Yadav,
s/o Sri Ram Yadav, R/o Nandauli Kalapur, District Jaunpur.
E.
Dinesh
Kumar Yadav s/o Lalta Prasad Yadav, R/o Acharya Dwivedi Nagar, House NO. 119, Jail Road, Rai
Bareilly.
F.
Munshi
Lal Yadav son of Ram Akbal Yadav, R/o Lawayan, Post Bhagamalpur, District
Jaunpur.
G.
Laxmi
Shanker Yadav, s/o Sri Jainath Yadav, R/o Janaur, Kandhi Kala, District-
Jaunpur.
H.
Special B.T.C. Course (General Language)
Teachers Recruitment Right Protection Society (Un-registered) Uttar Pradesh
through its Secretary Kiranjeet Singh, s/o Fateh Bahadur Singh, R/o 383
Sahakari Samiti Colony Ruhattha, Jaunpur. Appellant
/ Respondent-Intervener.
A N D
A) State of U.P. through Secretary,
Basic Education, U.P. Lucknow.
B) Zila
Shiksha Avam Prashikshan Sansthan, Faredpur, District Bareilly through its Principal.
C) District
Magistrate, Bareilly,
District- Bareilly.
---------
Respondents.
D) Km. Sunbul Naqvi, D/o Shri Intekhab Haidar Naqvi,
R/o Muhalaala Levchi Bagh, Rampur Road Qila, Bareilly.
---------Petitioner--------------------------Opposite
Parties
To
The Hon'ble the Chief
Justice of India
and His Companion Judges of the Supreme Court of India.
The Special Leave Petition of
the Petitioner most respectfully showeth :-
The judgment/order of Order
Passed by Hon’ble The Chief Justice Mr.
H .L. Gokhale and Hon’ble Justice
Pankaj Mittal of Allahabad High Court
in Special Appeal No. 1330 of 2007 in re State of U.P. through Secretary, Basic
Education, U.P. Lucknow and others Versus Km. Sunbul Naqvi to the extend of rejecting the impleadment application of the
Appellant and allowing the aforesaid
Special Appeal by setting aside the judgement and order dated 14.09.2007
passed by Hon’ble Mr. Arun Tandon in Writ petition No. 44085 of 2006.
- Whether the ratio of the judgement of Eleven Judges Bench of the Apex Court in T.M.A. Pai Foundation and others v. State of Karnataka, AIR 2003 SC 356, having considered report of the Advisory Committee on minority placed in the Constituent Assembly may be overruled by the Impugned Judgement?.
- Whether the learned Single Judge was not competence to try the question of the public importance in passing the judgement dated 14.9.2007 in Writ Petition no. 44085 of 2006 ?.
- Whether the learned Single Judge was not justified in passing the judgement dated 14.9.2007 in Writ Petition no. 44085 of 2006 on the basis of Article 343, Article 344 Article 351 and Article 394-A readwith Schedule VIII of the Constitution of India?.
- Whether the Government orders dated 16.2.2005, 18.3.2006 and order dated 15. 9.2006 are not illegal and inoperative and a fraud with a colourable exercise of jurisdiction without having the Concurrence from National Council for Teachers Education, Northern Region, Jaipur in conformity with requirement of section 15 of the National Council Teacher’s Education Act, 1993?.
·
Whether the amendments made to Rule 8 (5) vide
Uttar Pradesh Basic Education (Teachers) Service (Eleventh Amendment) Rules,
2006 as no amendment is recorded in Rule 5 of aforesaid Rules for Urdu language
Teacher, which place down the source of recruitment, may authorize the State
Govt. for conversion of the 13189 posts of general subjects to Urdu medium trainer?.
·
Whether the
amendment of clause 9 (a) of Rule 5 read-with Rule 8 – Clause (4) as referred
to in clause (a) and sub clause (iii) and (iv) of clause (b) of Rule 5 of “ The U.P. Basic Education (Teachers) Service
Rules (Eleventh Amendment) 2006” is not violative of Article 246 and Article
254 in absence of Sanction of Central Govt.?.
- Whether the basic Structure of our Constitution including the preamble of our constitution may be subjected to be reviewed by Article 350- A for implementing the proposed recommendations of Sachhar Commission prior to it’s implementation in State of U.P.?.
- Whether the Hon’ble Court shall not provide endeavored to avoid Indian multi-religious and multi-linguistic – caste ridden Conflicts in Our Society, which was done by the Judgement of Learned Single Judge dated 14.09.2007 in Writ petition No. 44085 of 2006?.
Relevant Dates in chronological order
14.1.2004 Govt. order was issued to fill up
the sufficiency in the
recruitment
process of the teachers in junior High schools and by the aforesaid Govt. Order
selection for
admission to the Special B.T.C. training course of 46189 candidates was
offered to the
qualified candidates on the basis of quality point marks.
22.1.2004 An advertisement was issued by
Director, State Council for
Education Research and Training. U.P.
22.2.2004. Advertisement has been issued by
the Director, State Council for
Educational Research and Training, U.P. Lucknow,
which Was published in the newspaper Amar Ujala. The matter was reconsidered by the State Government and in
pursuance thereof a decision has been taken permitting candidates possession
Bachelor of physical Education, Certificate of physical Education and Diploma
in physical Education also for consideration. Simultaneously the upper age
limit has been extended to 40 years as on 1.7.2000.
16.02.2005
By the Government
orders General subjects have now been
converted to 3,000 posts of
Urdu teacher having proficiency in Urdu in High School and Intermediate level
without obtaining the permission without having the Concurrence from National
Council for Teachers Education, Northern Region, Jaipur in conformity with
requirement of section 15 of the National Council Teacher’s Education Act,
1993. This U.P. Govt. order is illegal
and inoperative and a fraud and a colourable exercise of jurisdiction
09.03.2005 Office of the Hon’ble Prime
Minister constituted a seven member High Level Committee chaired by Justice
(Retd.) Rajindar Sachar to prepare a report on the Social Economic and
Educational status of the Muslim Community of India. In this manner there was
even no whisper to get the report of Sacchar Commission be placed under Article
350- A of the Constitution of India when the Impugned Govt. Order dated
16.02.2005 was issued seeking conversion of posts of General candidates by
converting them for teaching the subjects
with Urdu medium.
03.10.2005 In response to the Committee’s
advertisements, two letters dated 20.09.2005 and 03.10.2005 to the Chairperson
05.10.2005 Dr. S. Zafar Mahmood, Joint
Secretary to Govt. of India and Officer on Special Duty in Sachar Committee
vide his letter dated October 5, 2005.
18.3.2006
By Second Government
orders General subjects have now
been
converted to 5,000 posts of
Urdu teacher having proficiency in Urdu in High School and
Intermediate level without obtaining the permission without having the
Concurrence from National Council for Teachers Education, Northern Region,
Jaipur in conformity with requirement of section 15 of the National Council
Teacher’s Education Act, 1993. This U.P. Govt. order is also illegal and inoperative
and a fraud and a colourable exercise of jurisdiction
15. 9.2006 .
By Third
Government orders General
subjects have now been
converted to finally 13,189 posts of Urdu teacher having proficiency in
Urdu in High School and Intermediate level without obtaining the permission
without having the Concurrence from National Council for Teachers Education,
Northern Region, Jaipur in conformity with requirement of section 15 of the
National Council Teacher’s Education Act, 1993 This U.P. Govt. order is illegal and inoperative and a fraud and a
colourable exercise of jurisdiction. the Appellants may be allowed to challenge
the propriety, competency and the jurisdiction of the Govt. orders dated
16.2.2005, 18-3-2006 and 15-9-2006 including the advertisement published
thereof as well as they may also be permitted to challenge the validity of
clause 9 (a) of Rule 5 read-with Rule 8 – Clause (4) as referred to in clause
(a) and sub clause (iii) and (iv) of clause (b) of Rule 5 of “ The U.P. Basic Education (Teachers) Service
Rules (Eleventh Amendment) 2006”
17.11.2006 The Committee headed by
Justice Sacchar submitted biased and arbitrary report with a predetermined mindset by denying the
Appellants an opportunity to present their viewpoint and deliberately shutting
out certain important facts which
resulted in gross violation of fundamental right guaranteed under 14, 19
and 21 of the Constitution of India.
!4. 09.2007 Judgement was passed by l by Hon’ble Mr. Arun Tandon in Writ
petition No. 44085 of 2006
05.10.2007 Learned single Judge dated 14.9.2007 was
challenged in the
by the State Govt. in Special Appeal No. 1330
of 2007.
28.11.2007
The Special
Appeal No. 1330 of 2007 filed by State of U.P. has
been allowed by setting aside Judgement was
passed by
Hon’ble Mr. Arun Tandon in Writ petition No. 44085 of 2006.
09.01.2008 Copy
of the Impugned judgement applied on 01.12.2007( just
after three days of the pronouncement of
judgement) is received
by
the counsel for appellant
04.04.
2008 Hence this present
Appeal is being filed within time under article 136 of Constitution of India
for upholding the truth which is bound to adversely affect the multicultural
and age old pluralistic ethos of India.
FACTS OF THE
CASE-
That the
Appellant were proposed respondents/ intervener in the above-noted special
appeal and they have filed their Cross Appeal on behalf of other Appellants/
proposed respondents- interveners.
That the impleadment application filed by the
Appellants proposed Respondents
challenging the propriety, jurisdiction and competence of the order passed on
30-12-2006 allegedly in furtherance of the directions issued in writ petition
no. 38103 of 2006 filed as the Appellants no. 1 is president of unregistered
society and filed his application in the
said petition in his personal capacity. Since the Government orders dated
16.2.2005, 18.3.2006 and order dated 15. 9.2006 have been declared to be
illegal and inoperative and such order has been found be a fraud and a
colourable exercise of jurisdiction as evident by the judgement dated 14.9.2007
passed in writ petition no. 44085 of 2006 (Km. Sunbul Naqvi Vs. State of U.P.)
alongwith other connected writ petitions and as such since the post required to
be filled up by conducting the special B.T.C. Course, 2004 general subject to
the Special B.T.C. Urdu trainees, 2006 and as such the impleadment application was filed in the representative capacity by the
Appellants in writ petition no. 38103 of 2006 as well as other affected person.
That it is respectfully submitted in order to
appreciate the submission advanced by appellants that the Board of Basic
Education U.P. Allahabad runs and manages a large number of Junior Basic
schools and Senior Basic Schools in the State of Uttar Pradesh. The recruitment on the post
of Assistant Teachers in such institutions is governed by the provisions of
U.P. Basic Education (Teachers) Service Rules, 1981. The Board of Basic
Education is constituted as a body corporate under Basic Education Act, 1972.
That Rule 8 of 1981 aforesaid Rules prescribes the
qualification as that of candidates possessing Basic Teachers certificate,
Hindustan Teachers certificates, Junior teachers certificate or any other
course recognized by State Govt. as equivalent thereto and there is neither the
written examination or interview and as such candidates possessing teachers
training certificate are fully suited for appointment and based upon
verification of their testimonial by the selection committee.
That the Govt. order was issued on 14.1.2004 in order
to fill up the sufficiency in the recruitment process of the teachers in junior
High schools and by the aforesaid Govt. Order selection for admission to the
Special B.T.C. training course of 46189 candidates was offered to the qualified
candidates on the basis of quality point marks. The in pursuance of aforesaid
Govt. order dated 14.1.2004 an advertisement dated 22.1.2004 was issued by
Director, State Council for Education Research and training.
That against the restriction contained in the Government
order and the advertisement of considering only upon Bachelor of Education and
L.T. Training and specification of 35 years as the upper age limit a large
number of writ petitions were filed before this Hon’ble Court. During the
pendency of the said writ petition the matter was reconsidered by the State
Government and in pursuance thereof a decision has been taken permitting
candidates possession Bachelor of physical Education, Certificate of physical
Education and Diploma in physical Education also for consideration.
Simultaneously the upper age limit has been extended to 40 years as on
1.7.2000.
That in view of the aforesaid decision another
advertisement has been issued by the Director, State Council for Educational
Research and Training, U.P. Lucknow, which has been published in the newspaper
Amar Ujala dated 22.2.2004.
That all the
members of Appellants society being fully qualified and eligible in
terms of the aforesaid advertisement also applied. Each of the members of
Appellant had applied under their respective category.
That the
aggregate percentage of the members of Appellant’s society was worked out in accordance with the
stipulations contained in the government order making themselves selected in
the said selection.
That the right of similarly placed individuals whose
posts of general subjects have now been converted to posts of Urdu teacher
having proficiency in Urdu in High School and Intermediate level and as such
since the out come of the present special appeal may directly effects the
rights of 13189 candidates eligible for appointment as Assistant Teacher.
That applicant is an unregistered society fighting
against the conversion of 13,189 vacancies required to be fill up from the
candidates having eligibility for selection in Special B.T.C. Course- 2004
(Third merit list), which have been converted for accommodating the Urdu
language teacher with proficiency in Urdu, for which the decision was taken
allegedly by the State Govt. (Cabinet Decision) dated 9th February,
2005 and the process for starting such Special B.T.C. training course Urdu was
initiated by an office note put up Secretary Basic Education ( as mentioned in
the judgement passed in writ petition no. 14085 of 2006 decided on 14.9.2007)
and the said judgment, reported in 2007 (3) UPLBEC 2301, is the subject matter
of challenge in the present Special Appeal.
That on 27.5.2004 the first merit list was published
comprising of 41,450 candidates. Thereafter counseling was conducted and in the
said counseling a total number of 31,450 candidates alone participated with
10,000 of the candidates included in the merit list not having responded for
counseling.
That in August, 2004 a second merit list was published
comprising of 6700 candidates. Subsequently about 4000 more candidates were
declared selected under the category of scheduled caste and other backward
class.
That in view of the aforesaid details the total number
of candidates declared successful came to 42,150, however, as a result of
verification during the course of the counseling as also on the basis of
subsequent enquiry 9150 candidates stood deleted from the select list on
account of their educational certificates being forged or being of
institutions, which were not duly recognized thereby leaving a total number 33000
candidates alone.
That out of the aforesaid 33000 candidates 29000
candidates has already been imparted training and have granted appointment as
Assistant Teachers in the month of January, 2006. Presently training for about
4000 candidates is till underway.
That the facts and figures detailed above clearly
demonstrate that almost 13,189 vacancies still continue to exist, which were
covered by the government order and the advertisement issued by the
respondents.
That it has consistently been given out that a further
merit list would be published from amongst the Appellants, who had originally
applied for filling up the remaining vacant posts.
That the training imparted to the second batch has
finished and the candidate successfully completed training is in the process of
getting appointed.
That, however,
there remains complete inaction on the part of the respondents in publishing
the list of candidates selected for the remaining vacancies covered by the
government orders dated 12.2.2004 and 20.2.2004.
That the inaction of the respondents is wholly
arbitrary, discriminatory and violative of Article 14 of the Constitution of
India. There does not exist any justification for withholding the merit list
for the remaining vacant posts even though such posts stood covered by the
advertisement in question.
That it is settled legal position that the number of
vacancies covered by the advertisement should be filled up on the basis of the
merit list of the selection alone. There was hardly any justification for not
filling up the advertised vacancy of a particular selection and keeping the
same vacant.
That the aforesaid inaction of the respondents is
contrary to the repeated representations effected that the remaining vacancies
were to be filled up on the basis of the same merit list.
That in case the remaining vacancies are permitted to
be re-advertised and fresh Appellants invited then the result would be that the
vast majority of the candidates who were within the permissible age limit in
pursuance to the January 2004 advertisement would be over age and would stand
excluded from consideration.
That in the alleged compliance of the aforesaid
judgement the Director State Council for Educational Research and training U.P.
Lucknow passed an order on 30-12-2006
rejecting the representation of the applicant no. 1 to 7 filed on 9-11-2006 by the aforesaid
order.
That in the aforesaid order the correct position as is
being revealed regarding circumventing the rights of the Appellants in the
judgement dated 14.9.2007 has not been disclosed and Director State Council for
Educational Research and Training, U.P. appears to have the enforced silence
regarding the conversion of the post of General Subjects as that of the 10000
posts of Urdu Teachers by the Govt. Order dated 15-9-2006. This fact came to
the notice of Appellant first time when the Appellant’s Society office bearer
filed their application seeking impleadment in the Special Appeal No. 1330 of
2007, Which was filed against the judgement
dated 14-9-2007
(2007(3) UPLBEC 2301) when the contents of the aforesaid judgment came to the
notice of the Appellants. The impleadment application was allowed of 8
applicants, Which were including the
Appellant’s Society and the name of its office bearer.
That in the order dated 30-12-2006, which came to the notice of the
Appellants when the said order was annexed in the counter affidavit. However,
as soon as it came to the notice of the Appellants in the month of October,
2007 after reading the aforesaid judgment dated 14-9-2007 impugned in the
present Special Appeal, the Appellants wanted to challenge the order dated
30-12-2006 passed by Director State Council for Educational Research and
Training, U.P. then it was advised to the Appellants that filing of the fresh
writ petition is not permissible till the matter pertaining to the foundation
based upon the judgement dated 14-9-2007 impugned in the present special appeal
raised for assailing the order dated 30-12-2006 afresh by filing another writ
petition. Thus filing of the present impleadment application in the present
special appeal is sought by seeking the permission from the Hon’ble Division
Bench.
That the order dated 31-12-2006 passed by Director
State Council for Educational Research and Training, U.P. is clearly based upon
the incorrect facts regarding the decision dated 23-5-2006 passed in writ
petition no. 1674 (M/S) of 2006 Shravan Kumar Dwivedi and others VS. Director
State Council for Educational Research and Training, U.P. and others conversion
of 13,189 general subject vacancies for imparting the training to B.T.C.-2001
course by formulating two selections lists of such candidates and as such the
third list could not be issued.
That the order of Director State Council for
Educational Research and Training, U.P. is again a misrepresentation regarding
certain orders passed on 9-12-2005
in Special appeal no. 630 of 2005 seeking qualification of Shiksha Shastri
provided from Sampurnanand
Sanskrit University
for whom the aforesaid facility regarding completion of training in Special
B.T.C. Course- 2004 (General Subjects) has been granted.
That the other grounds pertaining to judgement dated
23.3.2005 in writ petition no. 23197 of 2005 and the judgement dated 10-3-2005
passed in writ petition no. 989 (M/S) of 2005 Lal Mani Maurya and others Vs.
State Of U.P. and others are again the misrepresentation for circumventing the
rights of the eligible candidates for conducting the training of Special B.T.C.
Course (General Subjects) –2004 and in none of the orders the number of
individual candidates required to be accommodated in the existing vacancy of
13189 remaining posts has not been given.
That on the other hand many of the prospective members
of Appellant’s society have crossed their upper age limit and as such they have
been debarred from seeking the appointment on the other posts. Thus the
conversion of 13189 posts required to be filled up from General Subjects being
converted to the individuals for imparting the teaching of other subject in the
medium of Urdu is contrary to the provisions of Article 14 to 18 as well as
Article 21 of the Constitution of India.
That an enquiry was given under the Rights of
Information Act that 6343 candidates required to be filled up from women O.B.C.
Science and Arts categories as well as from Scheduled caste Science category
and Scheduled tribes Science and Art category are not available for the
aforesaid recruitment and as such all these posts were required to be filled up
from general category candidates and thus the order of Director State Council for
Educational Research and Training, U.P. passed on 30-12-2006 is based upon
misconceived statement and thereby misleading to the Appellants as well as to
the Hon’ble Court through her inconsistent stand as disclosed in the judgement
dated 14.9.2007 impugned in the present special appeal.
That about 32045 candidates have been shown selected
in the different Districts of the Uttar Pradesh, out of which the appointment
of 1274 candidates were found for being considered in the aforesaid selection
on the basis of forge documents in the entire Uttar Pradesh. The news item
published in the different newspapers disclosing illegal appointments obtaining
from amongst 32045 posts may clearly establish that there remain the vacancies
to be offered to the Appellants in the remaining posts lying vacant for
imparting the Special B.T.C.Course-2004 even from the existing appointments.
That in this manner the filing of present appeal regarding national curriculum
framework-2000 and 2005 (based upon Sachhar Commission) by the N.C.E.R.T.
through Regional Director National Council for Teachers Education, Northern
Region, Jaipur, emphasizing provisions of facilities for instruction in Urdu in
order to accommodate linguistic minority groups is the foundation created for
another partition as the demand for partition of our mother land was based on
linguistic minority groups in the pre-independence years, which is incompatible
with the preamble and basic structure of Constitution of India.
That the other aspect of the matter raised regarding
the common judgement in all such writ petitions passed by Hon’ble Single Judge
on 14-9-2007 shall be suitably replied during the course of arguments as the
question pertaining to the route of the matter of taking no concurrence from
National Council for Teachers Education Act and the ministry of finance has not
been taken (State of Maharashta Vs. Sant Dhyaneshwar Shikshan Santha
Mahavidyala J.T. 2006 (4) S.C. Page 201) for conversion of these 10000 posts
for imparting education in Urdu language and providing stipend of Rs.2500/- per
month to such Urdu trainees is violative of Article 246 and 256 of the
Constitution of India.
That even the amendments made to Rule 8 (5) vide Uttar
Pradesh Basic Education (Teachers) Service (Eleventh Amendment) Rules, 2006 as
no amendment is recorded in Rule 5 of aforesaid Rules for Urdu language
Teacher, which place down the source of recruitment, may not authorize the
State Govt. for conversion of the post of general subjects to Urdu medium
trainer.
That for the kind perusal of this Hon’ble Court the Article-351 is being
quoted below: -
“ Directive for
development of the Hindi Language; - It shall be the duty of the Union to
promote the spread of the Hindi Language, to develop it so that it may serve as
a medium of expression for all the elements of the composite culture of India
and to secure its enrichment by assimilating without interfering with its
genius, the forms, style and expressions used in Hindustani and in the other
languages of India specified in the Eighth Schedule, and by drawing, wherever
necessary or desirable, for its vocabulary, primarily on Sanskrit and
secondarily on other languages.”
That for the
kind perusal of this Hon’ble court article 394-A is being quoted below: -
“394-A. Authoritative text in the Hindi
Language; - (1) The President shall cause to be published under his authority,
-
a.
the translation of this Constitution in the Hindi
language, signed by the members of the Constituent Assembly, with such
modifications as may be necessary to bring it in conformity with the language,
style and terminology adopted in the authoritative texts of Central Acts in the
Hindi language, and incorporating therein all the amendments of this
Constitution made before such publication; and
b.
the translation in the Hindi language of every
amendment of this Constitution made in the English language.
(2) The
translation of this Constitution and of every amendment thereof published under
clause (1) shall be construed to have the same meaning as the original thereof
and if any difficulty arises in so construing any part of such translation, the
President shall cause the same to be revised suitably.
(3) The
translation of this Constitution and of every amendment thereof published under
this article shall be deemed to be, for all purposes, the authoritative text
thereof in the Hindi language.”
That the
Appellants may be allowed to challenge the propriety, competency and the
jurisdiction of the Govt. orders dated 16.2.2005, 18-3-2006 and 15-9-2006
including the advertisement published thereof as well as they may also be
permitted to challenge the validity of clause 9 (a) of Rule 5 read-with Rule 8
– Clause (4) as referred to in clause (a) and sub clause (iii) and (iv) of
clause (b) of Rule 5 of “ The U.P. Basic
Education (Teachers) Service Rules (Eleventh Amendment) 2006” .
That the
challenge of these Govt. orders and provisions are mainly on the grounds of
Article 14, 15 and also on the grounds of being contrary to the secular status
of our country assuring the fraternity and the unity and integrity in the
preamble and in the basic structure of our constitution. No such reservation to
the alleged linguistic minority groups could have been given by getting the
conversion of the posts required to be filled up by the candidates belonging to
the general subjects category even under Article 26, Article 28, Article 29 and
Article 30 of the Constitution of India.
That the other
ground of the challenge is based upon that despite no extension of intake
regarding permission for conducting B.T.C. Course with Urdu and to teach the
subject in the medium of Urdu from Class- 6 to 10 and thereby conducting the
two years Urdu B.T.C. course was ever accorded in conformity with requirement
of section 15 of the National Council Teacher’s Education Act, 1993, but the
aforesaid conversion of the recruitment required to be filled up by the
candidates belonging to general subjects to the group of alleged linguistic
minority affecting the rights of the Appellants have been done by the State
Govt. The same being contrary to the ratio laid down in 2006 J.T. (4) S.C. 201
(State of Maharashta Vs. Sant Dhyaneshwar Shikshan Santha Mahavidyala) as well
as on the ground of the competency of no legislative power under Article 246
and 254 of the Constitution of India.
That the letter
dated 18-5-2005 providing the special training in Urdu language through
translated slab us of Hindi Medium in Urdu is contrary to the provisions of
Article 343, Article 344, Article 351
and 394-A (3) as the provision of Article 350-A as amended shall always be
subject matter of the scrutiny made by these articles and as such the right of
the Appellants for moving present impleadment application is made out and the
Appellants may be permitted to place their submissions and their arguments may
be considered by the Hon’ble Court before passing any judgement in present
special appeal.
That the object
and the purpose shown by the Secretary of Basic Education department in its
affidavit dated 22.11.2006 is certainly may not provide any justification for
issuance of Govt. Orders dated 16.2.2005, 18.3.2006 and 15.9.2006. For the
convenient perusal of the national curriculum framework issued in 2000 and 2005
in the context of National Education Policy, 1986 and report on Indian
Education Commission- 1964-1966 may be taken into consideration; -
(a) Report of
the Indian Education Commission 1964-66 known as Kothari report which was
submitted by Dr. D.S. Kothari in relations to Education system and the said
committee made a recommendation that:
(Chapter VIII, Para
8.35)
“ At the lower
primary stage only language should be studies compulsorily the mother tongue or
the regional language, at the option of the pupil. In the case of the vast
majority of pupils, the language of study at this stage will be the regional
language, which will also be their mother tongue. Some children belonging to
the linguistic minorities may also opt for instruction in the regional
language, because of its great advantages, but this cannot be forced on them,
and they have the right under the Constitution to have facilities provided for
their primary education through their mother tongue. The State Governments
should, therefore, provide primary schools teaching through the mother tongue
for the children of linguistic minorities if they desire to have such an
education, subject to the unusual condition approve by the Education Ministers
‘Conference (1994) that the minimum number of such children should be 10 in a
class or 40 in a school.”
(b) National
Education Policy, 1986 Program of Action. (Chapter XX Para2.)
“ The emphasis in the policy is on the
adoption of modern Indian languages as the media of instruction at the
University stage. However, the need to provide education through the mother
tongue, which may be different from the modern Indian language included in the
VIII Schedule, is recognised, on academic grounds. The constitution of India
recognizes in respect of linguistic minorities, the desirability of providing
instruction through the mother tongue for first five years of education
(Article 350-A). Every efforts is, therefore, required to implement this
obligation, although a number of difficulties are likely to be encounter,
administrative and financial feasibility of providing instructional facilities
through a verity of mother tongue, difficulty to use some tribal languages as
media of education etc.
(c) National
Curriculum Framework 2000 by N.C.E.R.T. (Para
2.11)
“The mother tongue in the most vial factor
for the children’s intellectual, emotional and spiritual growth. The mother
tongue is the “mother tongue” not because it is the mother’s tongue but because
like the mother, it is central factor behind the nurturance of the children’s
mental and emotional make up. Their perceptions, comprehension, responses creative
expressions, thinking and analysis, all are maximally developed, therefore,
through the medium of the mother tongue. The medium of instruction ideally,
therefore, ought to be the mother tongue at all the stages of school education.
In the regional language of state
language, it must continue as the medium of instruction ideally at all the
level of schooling or at least up to the end of elementary stage. However, in
the case of those students whose mother tongue is different from the state
language or regional language, the regional language may be adopted as a
education only from the IIIrd Stancard onward. IN the earlier years the
student’s mother tongue ought to be used in such a manner that a anooth
transition from the student’s operations in the mother tongue to those in the
original language naturally takes place at the earliest.”
(d) National
Curriculum Framework 2000 by N.C.E.R.T. (Chapter III 3.11)
“ Today, we know for certain that by
bilingualism or multi-lingualism confers definite, cognitive, advantages. The
three- languages formula in an attempt to address the challenges and
opportunities of the linguistic situation in India. It is a strategy that should
ready serve as a launching pad for learning more languages. It needs to be
followed both in letter and spirit. Its primary aim is to promote
multilingualism and national harmony. The following guidelines may help us
achieve this aim.
·
Language teaching needs to be multilingual not only
in terms of the number of languages offered in children but also in terms of
evolving strategies that would use the multilingual classroom as a resource.
·
Home language (s) of children as defined above n 3.1
should be the medium of learning in schools.
·
If a school does not have provisions for teaching in
the child’s home language (s) at the higher levels, primary school education
must still be covered through the home language (s). It is imperative that we
honor the child’s home language (s). According to Article 350-A of our
Constitution. “It shall be the endeavour of every State and of every local
authority within the State to provide adequate facilities for instruction in
the mother tongue of the primary stage of education to children belonging to
linguistic minority groups.”
That the
Appellants are also placing the Govt. order dated 11.8.1997 providing the
equivalent qualification to the trained B.T.C., Hindustani teachers
Certificate, Junior teacher certificate and teachers certificate being set
aside. Such equivalent qualification may not be the certificate of
Moallim—e-Urdu, which has been de-recognized by the State Govt. and as such no
such amendment could have been done subsequently by repealing the effect of the
previous stand taken in the different Govt. orders including the guidelines
given in Education Curriculum 1964-66.
That the
decision taken by the State Govt. for issuance of aforesaid Govt. orders is not
in consonance with the provisions of Uttar Pradesh Authentication (Order and
other instruments) Rules, 1975.
That without
teaching the Urdu language in class 1 to 5 on the pretext of that no specified
subject Urdu is provided in the primary schools and as such after taking the
alleged permission from N.C.T.E. for having proficiency in Urdu in primary
schools, there could have not been any conversion of such approval for teaching
other subjects in Urdu language as medium of proficiency of Urdu in secondary
education from class 6 to 10, for which Special B.T.C. Course general subjects
were organized, but the conversion of the vacancy to the aforesaid course is
certainly a fraud on power by the State Govt.
That the Eleven
Judges Bench of the Apex Court
in T.M.A. Pai Foundation and others v. State of Karnataka, AIR 2003 SC 356 has also
considered report of the Advisory Committee on minority placed in the
Constituent Assembly. A part of Paragraph 160 is being reproduced below: -
“160. A citizen of India stands in a
similar position The Constitution recognizes the differences among the people
of India, but it gives equal importance to each of them, their differences
notwithstanding, for only then can there be a unified secular nation.
Recognizing the need for the preservation and retention of different pieces
that go into the making of a whole nation, the Constitution, while maintaining,
inter alia, the basic principle of equality, contains adequate provisions that
ensure the preservation of these different pieces."
That one of the
Hon'ble Judge in Eleven Judges' Bench of the Apex Court in Paragraphs 169, 170
and 184 observed as follows:-
"169. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
while intervening in debate in regard to amendment to draft Art.23 which
related to the rights of religious and linguistic minorities stated that
"the term 'minority' was used therein not in the technical sense of the
word minority as we have been accustomed to use it for purposes of certain
political safeguards, such as representation in the legislature, representation
in the services and so on." According to him, the word minority is used
not merely to indicate, the minority in technical sense of the word, it is also
used to cover minorities which are not minorities in the technical sense but
which are nonetheless minorities in the cultural and linguistic sense. Dr.
Ambedkar cited following example, which runs as under:-
"For
instance, for the purposes of this Art. 23, if a certain number of people from
Madras came and settled in Bombay for certain purposes, they would be, although
not a minority in the technical sense, cultural minorities. Similarly, if a
certain number of Maharastrians went from Maharashtra
and settled in Bengal, although they may not
be minorities in technical true sense, they would be cultural and linguistic
minorities in Bengal.
That
the Article intends to give protection in the matter of culture, language and
script not only to a minority technically, but also to a minority in the wider
sense of the term as I have explained just now. That is the reason why we
dropped the word minority because we felt that the word might be interpreted in
the narrow sense of the term when the intention of this House, when it passed
Art. 18, was to use the word "minority” in a much wider sense, so as to
give cultural protection to those who were technically not minorities but
minorities nonetheless." (See Constituent Assembly Debates Official Report
reprinted by Lok Sabha Secretariat).
“170.
The draft article and the Constituent assembly Debates in unambiguous terms
show that minority status of a group of persons has to be determined on the
basis of population of a State or Union
Territory.
184. In view of what has been stated above, my conclusion on the question who are minorities either religious or linguistic within the meaning of Article 30 is as follows:
184. In view of what has been stated above, my conclusion on the question who are minorities either religious or linguistic within the meaning of Article 30 is as follows:
“The person
or persons establishing an educational institution who belong to either
religious or linguistic group who are less than fifty per cent, of total
population of the State in which educational institution is established would
be linguistic or religious minorities."
54. That
Paragraph 246 of the judgment of the Apex
Court is also very relevant, the same is being
quoted below:-
"246. It has been settled by a catena of decisions of this Court (In RE: The Kerala Education Bill, 1957 (1959 SCR 995), Rev. Sidhajbhai Sabhjai & Ors. v. State of Bombay & Anr..(1963 (3) SCR 837), The Ahmedabad St. Xavier's College Society & Anr. (1975 (1) SCR 173) and St. Stephen's College v. University of Delhi (1992 (1) SCC 558), that Article 30 of the Constitution conferred special rights on the minorities (linguistic or religious).
That the word
'minority' is not defined in the Constitution but literally it means 'a
non-dominant' group. It is a relative term and is referred to, to
represent the smaller of two numbers, sections or group called 'majority'.
In that sense, there may be political minority, religious minority,
linguistic minority, etc."
Paragraph 143 of the judgment of Apex Court is also very relevant in the context of the matter before the Court, the same is being quoted below:-
Paragraph 143 of the judgment of Apex Court is also very relevant in the context of the matter before the Court, the same is being quoted below:-
"143.
This means that the right under Art. 30(1) implies that any grant that is
given by the State to the minority institution cannot have such conditions
attached to it, which will in any way dilute or abridge the rights of the
minority institution to establish and administer that institution. The conditions
that can normally be permitted to be imposed, on the educational institutions
receiving the grant, must be related to the proper utilization of the grant and
fulfillment of the objectives of the grant. Any such secular conditions
so laid, such as a proper audit with regard to the utilization of the funds and
the manner in which the funds are to be utilized, will be applicable and would
not dilute the minority status of the educational institutions. Such
conditions would be valid if they are also imposed on other educational
institutions receiving the grant."
That
the Apex Court in T.M.A. Pai Foundation case (supra) has recoded a finding in
Paragraph-158
“ That India consists of six main ethnic groups, 52
major Tribes, six major religions, 6400 castes and sub-castes, 18 major
languages and 1600 minor languages and dialects. The Apex Court further found that Muslims are
neither unprivileged nor weaker section of the Indian society, but the
protection of minority was introduced only to instill in them a sense of
security and confidence.
On consideration of Constituent Assembly debates, it transpires that at the time of partition on the basis of two nations theory India was partitioned on the ground that Hindus and Muslims constitute two nations, most of the Muslims were expected to go to Pakistan and only few nationalist Muslims were expected to remain in India who were insecure or lacking confidence at the time of partition. The questions arise to be considered Whether sense of insecurity and lack of confidence prevailing at the time of partition still continuing in 2007 and Muslim community are still continuing as minority and how minority will be calculated in comparison to which religious group?”
57. That in order to consider these questions, the Court has gone through the relevant part of proceeding of Constituent Assembly.
On consideration of Constituent Assembly debates, it transpires that at the time of partition on the basis of two nations theory India was partitioned on the ground that Hindus and Muslims constitute two nations, most of the Muslims were expected to go to Pakistan and only few nationalist Muslims were expected to remain in India who were insecure or lacking confidence at the time of partition. The questions arise to be considered Whether sense of insecurity and lack of confidence prevailing at the time of partition still continuing in 2007 and Muslim community are still continuing as minority and how minority will be calculated in comparison to which religious group?”
57. That in order to consider these questions, the Court has gone through the relevant part of proceeding of Constituent Assembly.
That
the Constituent Assembly Debates (Proceedings commenced on 9.12.1946 and
continued till 24.1.1950 (Vol. 1, published by Lok Sabha Secretariat, New
Delhi, 1989)) make it clear that Constituent Assembly appointed an Advisory
Committee on minority, which submitted a report on minority rights before the
Constituent Assembly. Constituent Assembly deliberated the issue and
fixed certain percentage of population for consideration of any community as
religious minority community.
From perusal of the report, it transpires that the Advisory Committee on Minority divided minorities according to their strength and population and prepared a Schedule in three parts, the same is being reproduced below:-
"...We have divided the minorities according to their strength or according to their population. In the Schedule the three parts are set out and dealt with separately because they require separate consideration proportion to their strength...."
59. That the Court is considering of only such religious minorities mentioned in the Schedule of Advisory Committee on Minority, notified in notification dated 23.10.1993 issued by Government of India under Section 2(c) of National Minority Commission Act, 1992.
From perusal of the Constituent Assembly Debates dated 27th August, 1947, it is clear that the Schedule of religious minority communities was prepared.
From perusal of the report, it transpires that the Advisory Committee on Minority divided minorities according to their strength and population and prepared a Schedule in three parts, the same is being reproduced below:-
"...We have divided the minorities according to their strength or according to their population. In the Schedule the three parts are set out and dealt with separately because they require separate consideration proportion to their strength...."
59. That the Court is considering of only such religious minorities mentioned in the Schedule of Advisory Committee on Minority, notified in notification dated 23.10.1993 issued by Government of India under Section 2(c) of National Minority Commission Act, 1992.
From perusal of the Constituent Assembly Debates dated 27th August, 1947, it is clear that the Schedule of religious minority communities was prepared.
"This Schedule is based on the
strength of the communities in order that the relevant provisions in the
subsequent section may fit in and therefore this is merely a formal matter.
There is no controversy about it."
That the report of the
Advisory Committee on minority containing Schedule was adopted on 27.8.1947.
Some members of the Constituent Assembly belonging to Muslim religion were
demanding some special rights including proportionate representation of
Muslims. Deliberations made in Constituent Assembly by some members on
the rights of minorities are relevant in the present context, same are being
reproduced as follows:-
Speech of Dr. P.S. Deshmukh
".........I believe I voice the feeling of a large section of this House when I say that the representatives of these minorities have taken a long and nationalistic view of the whole matter and provided they do not do anything to spoil the good effect. I would like to assure them on behalf of us all that they will never have any occasion to repent what they have conceded. It should always be remembered that we are, speaking the bare truth, a highly charitable and liberal-minded people. Some of our Muslim friends, mostly as a result of the British policy, painted us as tyrants and majority-made oppressors. I have never found any justification for such an accusation, but an unjust and untrue charge was repeated ad nauseous and somehow sustained throughout the last so many years. It is upon those false foundations that Pakistan was demanded and conceded. Very few showed patience to analyze the facts. Rather than tyrannize the minorities, the fact was that in most places the minorities’ privileges far in excess of what may be called just or fair. In my own curious Province, Muslims still enjoy a position, which is even today denied to over 60 per cent of the peasants and workers by our own Hindu rulers. This is not an occasion on which I would like to go further into the matter than this. I am content that no minority is going to try any more to deprive others of what legitimately belongs to them. For many years past, it was the majority that has been tyrannized. Unfortunately, the so-called majority is dumb and deaf and although many of us try always to speak in their name, I have no hesitation in stating that we have completely failed in translating our words into action. May I ask, Sir, what place has been given to millions of Jats, millions of Ahirs, Gujars, Kurmis, Kunbs, the Adibasis and millions of others. Have we not been a little too engrossed in our own exploits and have given inadequate though to the thousands of these poor people who have sacrificed their lives to give us the present freedom. What place have we assigned to them except to visualize that they will as heretofore blindly, meekly and religiously vote for any one we will choose for them. From this point of view, the situation is gloomy even today...."
That Mr.
H.J. Khandekar, one of the members of the Constituent Assembly while
replying the same on 28th August, 1947 made following speech:-
".....Speaking plainly it means that
he desires separate electorates in a different form. I may explain to you
the effects of separate electorates in this country. It was because of
Lord Mortley Minto that Muslims got separate electorates and the result was
that our country was divided into two. The same separate electorates are
being brought before us in the form of percentage. If this is accepted
either for Harijans or for our Muslim brothers, then it would mean the
fulfilment of what my friend Mr. Jinnah has always said "Muslims of India
and Muslims of Pakistan"-which means the preparation for Pakistan within
India. Much suffering has been caused already. India has been
divided into two. Brother Muslims have got what they wanted and was for
their benefit. Having got that, they should be good enough not to try to
create Pakistan
within India
and should not bring an amendment of this sort in this House......"
That Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad
and other speakers also wanted some reservation for muslim community in the
Constitution of India, which was refused by the Constituent Assembly and
Honourable Sardar Vallabhbhai J. Patel, President of Advisory Committee while
replying for such demands of members of the minorities made following
speech in the Constituent Assembly, relevant part of which is being quoted
below:-
"....I thought that our friends of
the Muslim League will see the reasonableness of our attitude and allow
themselves to accommodate themselves to the changed conditions after the
separation of the country. But I now find them adopting the same methods,
which were adopted when the separate electorates were first introduced in this
country, and in spite of ample sweetness in the language used there is a full
dose of poison in the method adopted. (Hear, Hear). Therefore, I
regret to say that if I lose the affection of the younger brother, I am
prepared to lose it because the method he wants to adopt would bring about his
death. I would rather lose his affection and keep him alive. If
this amendment is lost, we will lose the affection of the younger brother, but
I prefer the younger brother to live so that he may see the wisdom of the
attitude of the elder brother and he may still learn to have affection for the
elder brother.
Now, this formula has a history behind it and those who are in the Congress will be able to remember that history. In Congress history this is known as the Mohammad Ali Formula. Since the introduction of separate electorates in this land there were two parties amongst the Muslims. One was the Nationalist Muslims or the Congress Muslims and the other the Muslim League members, or the representatives of the Muslim League. There was considerable tension on this question and at one time there was a practical majority against this joint electorate. But a stage was reached when, as was pointed out by the Mover of this amendment in Allahabad a settlement was reached. Did we stand by that settlement? No. We now have got the division of the country. In order to prevent the separation this formula was evolved by the nationalist Muslims, as a sort of half-way house, until the nation becomes one; we wished to drop it afterwards. But now the separation of the country is complete and you say, let us introduce it again and have another separation. I do not understand this method of affection. Therefore, although I would not have like to say anything on this motion, I think it is better that we know our minds perfectly each other, so that we can understand where we stand. If the process that was adopted, which resulted in the separation of the country, is to be repeated, then I say: Those who want that kind of thing have a place in Pakistan, not here (Applause). Here, we are building a nation and we are laying the foundations of One Nation, and those who choose to divide again and sow the seeds of disruption will have no place, no quarter, here, and I must say that plainly enough. (Hear, Hear.) Now, if you think that reservation necessarily means this clause as you have suggested, I am prepared to withdraw the reservation for your own benefit. If you agree to that, I am prepared, and I am sure no one in this House will be against the withdrawal of the reservation if that is a satisfaction to you. You cannot have it both ways. Therefore, my friends you must change your attitude, adapt yourself to the changed conditions. And don't pretend to say "Oh, our affection is very great for you". We have seen your affection. Why talk of it? Let us forget the affection. Let us face the realities. Ask yourself whether you really want to stand here and cooperate with us or you want again to play disruptive tactics. Therefore, when I appeal to you, I appeal to you to have a change in your heart, not a change in the tongue, because that won't pay here. Therefore, I still appeal to you: "Friends, reconsider your attitude and withdraw your amendment". Why go on saying, "Oh, Muslims were not heard; Muslim amendment was not carried". If that is going to pay you, you are much mistaken, and I know how it cost me to protect the Muslim minorities here under the present condition and in the present atmosphere. Therefore, I suggest that you don't forget that the days in which the agitation of the type you carried on is closed and we begin a new chapter. Therefore, I once more appeal t you to forget the past. Forget what has happened. You have got what you wanted. You have got a separate State and remember, you are the people who were responsible for it, and not those who remain in Pakistan. You led the agitation. You got it. What is it that you want now? I don't understand. In the majority Hindu provinces you, the minorities, you led the agitation. You got the partition and now again you tell me and ask me to say for the purpose of securing the affection of the younger brother that I must agree to the same, thing again to divide the country again in the divided part. For God's sake, understand that we have also got some sense. Let us understand the thing clearly. Therefore when I say we must forget the past, I say it sincerely. There will be no injustice done to you. There will be generosity towards you, but there must be reciprocity. If it is absent, then you take it from me that no soft words can conceal what is behind your words. Therefore, I plainly once more appeal to you strongly that let us forget and let us be one nation....."
63. That the amendment proposed by the Muslim members were refused by the Constituent Assembly on the reservation and separate electorate.
The matter was again considered by the Constituent Assembly while considering Article 17, i.e., "Conversion from one religion to another brought about by coercion or undue influence shall not be recognized".
Now, this formula has a history behind it and those who are in the Congress will be able to remember that history. In Congress history this is known as the Mohammad Ali Formula. Since the introduction of separate electorates in this land there were two parties amongst the Muslims. One was the Nationalist Muslims or the Congress Muslims and the other the Muslim League members, or the representatives of the Muslim League. There was considerable tension on this question and at one time there was a practical majority against this joint electorate. But a stage was reached when, as was pointed out by the Mover of this amendment in Allahabad a settlement was reached. Did we stand by that settlement? No. We now have got the division of the country. In order to prevent the separation this formula was evolved by the nationalist Muslims, as a sort of half-way house, until the nation becomes one; we wished to drop it afterwards. But now the separation of the country is complete and you say, let us introduce it again and have another separation. I do not understand this method of affection. Therefore, although I would not have like to say anything on this motion, I think it is better that we know our minds perfectly each other, so that we can understand where we stand. If the process that was adopted, which resulted in the separation of the country, is to be repeated, then I say: Those who want that kind of thing have a place in Pakistan, not here (Applause). Here, we are building a nation and we are laying the foundations of One Nation, and those who choose to divide again and sow the seeds of disruption will have no place, no quarter, here, and I must say that plainly enough. (Hear, Hear.) Now, if you think that reservation necessarily means this clause as you have suggested, I am prepared to withdraw the reservation for your own benefit. If you agree to that, I am prepared, and I am sure no one in this House will be against the withdrawal of the reservation if that is a satisfaction to you. You cannot have it both ways. Therefore, my friends you must change your attitude, adapt yourself to the changed conditions. And don't pretend to say "Oh, our affection is very great for you". We have seen your affection. Why talk of it? Let us forget the affection. Let us face the realities. Ask yourself whether you really want to stand here and cooperate with us or you want again to play disruptive tactics. Therefore, when I appeal to you, I appeal to you to have a change in your heart, not a change in the tongue, because that won't pay here. Therefore, I still appeal to you: "Friends, reconsider your attitude and withdraw your amendment". Why go on saying, "Oh, Muslims were not heard; Muslim amendment was not carried". If that is going to pay you, you are much mistaken, and I know how it cost me to protect the Muslim minorities here under the present condition and in the present atmosphere. Therefore, I suggest that you don't forget that the days in which the agitation of the type you carried on is closed and we begin a new chapter. Therefore, I once more appeal t you to forget the past. Forget what has happened. You have got what you wanted. You have got a separate State and remember, you are the people who were responsible for it, and not those who remain in Pakistan. You led the agitation. You got it. What is it that you want now? I don't understand. In the majority Hindu provinces you, the minorities, you led the agitation. You got the partition and now again you tell me and ask me to say for the purpose of securing the affection of the younger brother that I must agree to the same, thing again to divide the country again in the divided part. For God's sake, understand that we have also got some sense. Let us understand the thing clearly. Therefore when I say we must forget the past, I say it sincerely. There will be no injustice done to you. There will be generosity towards you, but there must be reciprocity. If it is absent, then you take it from me that no soft words can conceal what is behind your words. Therefore, I plainly once more appeal to you strongly that let us forget and let us be one nation....."
63. That the amendment proposed by the Muslim members were refused by the Constituent Assembly on the reservation and separate electorate.
The matter was again considered by the Constituent Assembly while considering Article 17, i.e., "Conversion from one religion to another brought about by coercion or undue influence shall not be recognized".
That the Speech of Shri R.V. Dhulekar, member
of the Constituent
Assembly
is very relevant in the context of controversy involved in the
present case, the same is
being reproduced below:-
"Mr. President, my opinion is that clause 17 should be retained as it stands. In the present environment, all sorts of efforts are being made to increase the population of a particular section in this country, so that once again efforts may be made to further divide the country. There is ample proof, both within this House and outside that many who live in this country are not prepared to be the citizens of this country. Those who have caused the division of our land desire that India may be further divided. Therefore in view of the present circumstances, I think that this clause should be retained. It is necessary that full attention should be paid to this. While on tour, I see every day refugees moving about with their children and I find them at railway stations, shops, hotels, bakeries and at numerous other places. The men of these bakeries abduct these women and children. There should be legislation to stop this. I would request you that an early move should be made to stop all this and millions of people would be saved. I submit that we cannot now tolerate things of this nature. We are being attacked and we do not want that India's population, the numerical strength of the Hindus and other communities should gradually diminish, and after ten years the other people may again say that "we constitute a separate nation". These separatist tendencies should be crushed. Therefore, I request that section 17 may be retained in the same form as is recommended by the Advisory Committee."
65. That in Constituent Assembly debate dated 27th August, 1947 Sri B.
Pocker Sahib Bahadur, a Representative of Muslim from Madras made
following statement:-
".....At present the Muslims are strong and well-organised. Now, if they are made to feel that their voice cannot even be heard in the Legislature, they will become desperate. I would request you not to create that contingency...." (Page 214 of the Constituent Assembly Debates). Aforesaid statement of a Muslim representative was made in the Constituent Assembly debates after partition of the country has taken place. Participating in the debate of the Constituent Assembly, Sri M. Ananthasayanam Ayyangar, a representative of Madras in his speech before the Constituent Assembly stated as follows:-
"....In my part of the world, the Madras Presidency, though the Muslims are in a minority, they also joined in this move for separating the country. Have you a responsible for it? Have you a paralled to this carriage that is going on in the Punjab whoever may be responsible for it."
".....At present the Muslims are strong and well-organised. Now, if they are made to feel that their voice cannot even be heard in the Legislature, they will become desperate. I would request you not to create that contingency...." (Page 214 of the Constituent Assembly Debates). Aforesaid statement of a Muslim representative was made in the Constituent Assembly debates after partition of the country has taken place. Participating in the debate of the Constituent Assembly, Sri M. Ananthasayanam Ayyangar, a representative of Madras in his speech before the Constituent Assembly stated as follows:-
"....In my part of the world, the Madras Presidency, though the Muslims are in a minority, they also joined in this move for separating the country. Have you a responsible for it? Have you a paralled to this carriage that is going on in the Punjab whoever may be responsible for it."
66. That replying the debates,
the President of the Advisory Committee on Minority has made a speech, relevant
part of which is being reproduced below:-
"My friends the Mover of this amendment says the Muslim community today is a strong-knit community. Very good, I am glad to hear that, and therefore I say you have no business to ask for any props (Cheers). Because there are other minorities who are not well-organised, and deserve special consideration and some safeguards, we want to be generous to them”.
67. That this was the situation at the time immediately after partition coupled with the finding recorded by the Apex Court that Muslim minorities were never regarded as weaker and unprivileged section of the society, but only for a sense of security and confidence minorities were given special treatment.
"My friends the Mover of this amendment says the Muslim community today is a strong-knit community. Very good, I am glad to hear that, and therefore I say you have no business to ask for any props (Cheers). Because there are other minorities who are not well-organised, and deserve special consideration and some safeguards, we want to be generous to them”.
67. That this was the situation at the time immediately after partition coupled with the finding recorded by the Apex Court that Muslim minorities were never regarded as weaker and unprivileged section of the society, but only for a sense of security and confidence minorities were given special treatment.
That in Paragraph 246 of the Eleven Judges' Bench
judgment of the Apex Court in T.M.A. Pai Foundation and others v. State of
Karnataka case reported in AIR 2003 SC 356, word minority was defined and it
means 'a non-dominant' group. “It
is a relative term and is referred to represent the smaller of two numbers.
Considering the controversy of Muslim minority in its entirety, this Court
feels it appropriate to consider whether the Muslims in India or in State of
Uttar Pradesh are non-dominant group which is the intention of the Constitution
of India as held by the Apex Court in Eleven Judges' Bench Judgment in T.M.A.
Pai Foundation case (supra) followed by the judgments of the Apex Court
reported in 2005 (3) ESC 373, (2003) SCC (6) 697, Islamic Academy of Education
and another v. State of Karnataka and others”.
That the Apex Court while considering the case of Jain
community claiming as minority has laid down certain principles relating to
minority and made observations that such demands may lead to multi-nationalism.
That in this regard Paragraphs 10, 14, 20, 21, 22, 23,
25, 32, 33, 34, 36 of Three Judges' Judgment of the Apex Court in Bal Patil and
another v. Union of India and others reported in AIR 2005, SC, 3172 are very
relevant, same are being reproduced below:-
"10. The
expression 'minority' has been used in Article 29 and 30 of the Constitution
but it has nowhere been defined. The Preamble of the Constitution
proclaims to guarantee every citizen 'liberty of thought, expression, belief,
faith and worship'. Group of Articles 25 to 30-guarantee protection of
religious, cultural and educational rights to both majority and minority
communities. It appears that keeping in view the constitutional
guarantees for protection of cultural, educational and religious rights of all
citizens, it was not felt necessary to define 'minority'. Minority as
understood from constitutional scheme signifies an identifiable group of people
or community who were seen as deserving communities who happen to be in majority
and like to gain political power in a democratic form of Government based on
election.
“14. On
considering the general functions of the Commission enumerated under section 9
which are only illustrative and not exhaustive, the Commission cannot be said
to have transgressed its authority in entertaining representation, demands and
counter-demands of members of Jain community for the status of 'minority'.
Keeping in view the provisions of the Act, the recommendation made by the
Commission in favour of the Jains is in the nature of advice and can have no
binding effect. The power under Section 2(c) of the Act vests in the
Central Government, which alone, on its own assessment, has to accept or reject
the claim of status of minority by a community.
“20. The history of the struggle for Independence of India bears
ample testimony of the fact that the concept of 'minorities' and the demands
for special care and protection of their religious and cultural rights arose
after bitter experience of religious conflicts which intermittently arose in
about 150 years of British Rule. The demand of partition gained momentum
at the time the Britishers decided to leave by handing over self-rule to
Indians. The Britishers always treated Hindus and Muslims as two
different groups of citizens requiring different treatment. To those
groups were added Anglo-Indians and Christians as a result of large-scale
inter-marriages and conversions of several sections of communities in India to
Christianity. Prior to passing of the Independence Act of India to hand
over self-rule to Indians, Britishers in the course of gradually conceding some
democratic right to Indians, contemplated formation of separate constituencies
on reservations of certain seats in Legislature in proportion to the population
of Hindus and Muslims. That attempt was strongly resisted by both prominent
Hindu and Muslim national leaders who had jointly and actively participated in
the struggle for independence of India.
“21. The attempt of the Britishers to form
separate electorates and make reservations of seats on the basis of population
of Hindus and Muslims, however, ultimately led to revival of demand for
reservation of constituencies and seats in the first elected Government to be
formed in free India.
Resistance to such demands by Hindu and some Muslim leaders ultimately
led to partition of India
and formation of separate Muslim
State presently known as Pakistan.
“22. Many other revelations concerning
competing claims for reservation of seats on religious basis can be gathered
from the personal diary of prominent national leaders late Abdul Kalam Azad.
The diary was made public, in accordance with his last wish only after 25 years
of independence. The publication of Azad's diary made it necessary for constitutional
expert H.M. Seervai to re-write his chapter under caption 'Partition of India - Legend
and Reality' in his book on 'Constitutional Law of India'. Many apprehensions
and fears were expressed and disturbed the minds of the Muslims. They thought
in democracy to be set up in India,
the Hindus being in majority would always dominate and retain political power
on the basis of their voting strength. There were also apprehensions
expressed by many prominent Muslim leaders that there might be interference with
and discouragement to their cultural, religious and educational rights. Abdul
Kalam Azad acted as mediator in negotiations between the national leaders of
the times namely late Nehru and Patel on one side and late Jinnah and Liaqat
Ali on the other. Nehru and Patel insisted that in the new Constitution,
there would be one united India belonging to people of various religious faiths
and cultures with all having full freedom of their social, cultural religious
and other constitutional rights. They advocated one single citizenship to
every Indian regardless of his language or religion. The opposing group
of Muslim leaders, in the interest of members of their community, insisted on
providing to them participation in democratic processes proportionate to their
ratio of population and thus counter-balance the likely domination of Hindu
majority. They also insisted that separate electorate constituencies
based on their population be formed and seats be reserved for them in different
parts of India.
Late Abdul Kalam Azad tried his utmost to find a midway and thus break
the stalemate between the two opposing groups but Nehru and Patel remained
resolute and rejected the proposal of Jinnah and Liaqat Ali. The tragic
result was that provinces with the highest Muslim population in the erstwhile
States of Sindh, Punjab and Baluchistan
had to be ceded to form a separate theocratic nation - Pakistan.
See the following paragraph 1,314 at pg. 153 of 'Constitutional Law of India' by H.M.
Seerval, Fourth Edition, Vol. I:-
"1,314. Azad passionately believed in Hindu-Muslim unity, but he found that from the mid-twenties Gandhi had lost interest in Hindu-Muslim unity and took no steps to secure it. Further, Azad had played a leading part in providing a framework for the Constitution of a free and united India on which the Cabinet Mission Plan was largely based, a Plan which offered India her last chance to remain united. However, Gandhi accepted partition instead, Azad did his utmost to prevent the partition of India, but he failed to persuade Nehru and Gandhi not to accept partition."
"1,314. Azad passionately believed in Hindu-Muslim unity, but he found that from the mid-twenties Gandhi had lost interest in Hindu-Muslim unity and took no steps to secure it. Further, Azad had played a leading part in providing a framework for the Constitution of a free and united India on which the Cabinet Mission Plan was largely based, a Plan which offered India her last chance to remain united. However, Gandhi accepted partition instead, Azad did his utmost to prevent the partition of India, but he failed to persuade Nehru and Gandhi not to accept partition."
“23. It is against this background of
partition that at the time of giving final shape to the Constitution of India,
it was felt necessary to allay the apprehensions and fears in the minds of
Muslims and other religious communities by providing to them special guarantee
and protection of their religious, cultural and educational rights. Such
protection was found necessary to maintain unity and integrity of free India because
even after partition of India,
communities like Muslims and Christians in greater numbers living in different
parts of India
opted to continue to live in India
as children of its soil.
“25. Parsis constituted a numerically smaller minority. They had migrated from their native State Iran and settled on shores of Gujarat adopting the Gujarati language, customs and rituals thus assimilating themselves into the Indian population.
“32. We have traced the history of India and its
struggle for independence to show how the concept of minority developed prior
to and at the time of framing of Constitution and later in the course of its
working, History tells us that there were certain religious communities in
India who were required to be given full assurance of protection of their
religious and cultural rights. India
is a country of people with the largest number of religions and languages
living together and forming a Nation. Such diversity of religions,
culture and way of life is not to be found in any part of the world. John
Stuart Mill described India
as "a world placed at closed quarters". India is a
world in miniature. The group of Articles 25 to 30 of the Constitution, as the
historical background of partition of India shows, was only to give a guarantee
of security to the identified minorities and thus to maintain integrity of the
country. It was not in contemplation of the framers of the Constitution
to add to the list of religious minorities. The Constitution through all
its organs is committed to protect religious, cultural and educational rights
of all. Articles 25 to 30 guarantee cultural and religious freedoms to both
majority and minority groups. Ideal of a democratic society, which has
adopted right of equality as its fundamental creed, should be elimination of
majority and minority and so-called forward and backward classes. Constitution
has accepted one common citizenship for every Indian regardless of his
religion, language, culture or faith. the only birth in India. We
have to develop such enlightened citizenship where each citizen of whatever
religion or language is more concerned about his duties and responsibilities to
protect rights of the other group than asserting his own rights. The
constitutional goal is to develop citizenship in which everyone enjoys full
fundamental freedoms of religion, faith and worship and no one is apprehensive
of encroachment of his rights by others in minority or majority.
“33. The constitution ideal, which can be
gathered from the group of articles in the Constitution under Chapters of
Fundamental Rights and Fundamental Duties, is to create social conditions where
there remains no necessity to shield or protect rights of minority or majority.
“34. The above-mentioned constitutional goal
has to be kept in view by the Minorities Commissions set up at the Central or
State levels. Commissions set up for minorities have to direct their
activities to maintain integrity and unity of India by gradually eliminating the
minority and majority classes. If, only on the basis of a different
religious thought or less numerical strength or lack of health, wealth,
education, power or social rights, a claim of a section of Indian society to
the status of minority is considered and conceded, there would be no end to
such claims in a society as multi-religious and multi-linguistic as India is.
A claim by one group of citizens would lead to a similar claim by another
group of citizens and conflict and strife would ensure. As such, the
Hindu society being based on caste, is itself divided into various minority
groups. Each caste claims to be separate from the other. In a
caste-ridden Indian society, no section or distinct group of people can claim
to be in majority. All are minorities amongst Hindus. Many of them claim
such status because of their small number and expect protection from the State
on the ground that they are backward. If each minority group feels afraid
of the other group, an atmosphere of mutual fear and distrust would be created
posing serious threat to the integrity of our Nation. That would sow
seeds of multi-nationalism in India.
It is, therefore, necessary that Minority Commission should act in a
manner so as to prevent generating feelings of multi-nationalism in various
sections of people of Bharat.
“36. These concluding observations were
required after the eleven-Judges' Bench in TMA Pai Foundation case (supra) held
that claims of minorities on both linguistic and religious basis would be each
State as unit. The country has already been reorganized in the year 1956
under the States Reorganization Act on the basis of language.
Differential treatments to linguistic minorities based on language within
the State is understandable but if if the same concept for minorities on the
basis of religion is encouraged, the whole country, which is already under
class and social conflicts due to various divisive forces, will further face
division on the basis of religious diversities. Such claims to minority
status based on religion would increase in the fond hope of various sections of
people getting special protections, privileges and treatment as part of
constitutional guarantee. Encouragement to such fissiparous tendencies
would be a serious jolt to the secular structure of constitutional democracy. We
should guard against making our country akin to a theocratic State based
multi-nationalism. Our concept of secularism, to put it in a nutshell, is
that 'State' will have no religion. The States will treat all religions
and religious groups equally and with equal respect without in any manner
interfering with their individual rights of religion, faith and worship."
In view of the judgment of the Apex Court in Bal Patil case (supra)
after considering T.M.A. Pai Foundation case, it is clear that intention to provide
minority status was to remove sense of insecurity and lack of confidence in the
mind of Muslim and other religious communities at the time of partition of
India and further the Apex Court cautioned the country not to create a
theocratic State based on multi-nationalism and refused to recognise Jain as a
minority.
71. That
Considering the matter in its entirety, criterion for minority, i.e.,
population and strength and also judgments of the Apex Court referred above
that the intention was to provide protection to a non-dominant group, this
Court is of the view that at present Muslim religious community in U.P. is not
a religious minority as there is no sense of insecurity or lack of confidence
prevailing amongst them in present scenario. According to the finding of the Apex Court in
T.M.A. Pai Foundation case (supra) that Muslim minority is not weaker or
unprivileged section of the society.
That the Appellants may be permitted to place the note
on minority children in Parashiva Primary School as per the Government India
instructions and the letter issued by the Govt. Of India Ministry of Human
Resources Department to State Project Direction U.P. Education for all
projects. The aforesaid correspondence is filed herewith in order to
demonstrate that the same is inconsistence to the constitutional committee
debate as there is the difference between Parliamentary discussions and that of
the aforesaid debate, on the basis of which, Constitution of India was adopted
by the Govt. of India prior to its becoming the Republic Day on 26th
January, 1950.
That the Appellants most respectfully submits that by
the bare reading of Article 343, Article 344, Article 351 and Article 394-A and
Schedule VIII of the Constitution of India as well as preamble of our constitution,
an attempt is made in the society as a multi-religious and multi-linguistic –
caste ridden Indian, the competence of the court to try the question of the
public importance, which arose to the public at large as the affected party, it
has been held in case of Guruvayoor Devasvour Managing committee and another
Vs. C.K. Ranjan (2003) 7 S.C.C. 546, Shivaji Rao Nilangekar Patil Vs. Dr.
Mahest Madhav Gasavi as referred in this judgement and Rakesh Lanka and another
Vs. Rishi Dixit (2005) 5 S.C.C. 298 and Prahlad Singh Vs. Col. Sukhdeo Singh
1987 (1) S.C.C. page 727 General Manager
Kisan Sahakari Chini Mills Sultanpur Vs. Shatrughan Nishad A.I.R. 2003 S.C.
4531, the said question may be decided in order to protect the Rule of Law in
the Society, otherwise it may erode the vary foundation on the basis of which
our democratic institution has been founded with the power given to the
constitutional court for judicial review of the administrative/ quasi judicial
action. The case of U.P. Gram Panchayat Adhikari Sangh Vs. Daya Ram Saroj 2007
(2) S.C.C. 138, is not applicable for setting aside the judgement passed on
14.9.2007.
That it is, therefore, most respectfully
prayed that the present appeal may be allowed and they may be permitted to
place their submissions for the protection of their rights as the conversion of
the trainees of general subjects to the Urdu subject trainees having the
proficiency in the said language in special B.T.C. training course-2004 granted
to such individuals on the basis of Govt. Order dated 16.2.2005, 18-3-2006 and
15.9.2006 and the advertisement thereof is an action without jurisdiction and
the same is ultra-vires a fraud and colourable exercise of power of the State
Govt., which has rightly been dealt with in the judgement dated 14.9.2007
challenged in the present special appeal.
That inaction of the respondents is wholly arbitrary,
discriminatory and violative of Article 14 of the Constitution of India. There
does not exist any justification for withholding the merit list for the
remaining vacant posts even though such posts stood covered by the
advertisement in question. The right of similarly placed individuals whose
posts of general subjects have now been converted to 10,000 posts of Urdu
teacher having proficiency in Urdu in High School and Intermediate level and as
such since the out come of the special
appeal No. 1330 of 2007 was directly
effecting the rights of 13189 candidates
eligible for appointment as Assistant Teacher, the said decision of State Govt.
was against the basic structure of Constitution of India and Voilative of
Article 14, Article 16, Article 343, Article 344, Article 351 and Article 394-A
read with VIII Schedule of Constitution of India.
The
Appellants were neither imp leaded, nor they have been heard alongwith the
other writ petitions decided on 14.9.2007 by the impugned judgement and the
impleadment of the Appellants who have filed the separate writ petition no.
38103 of 2006 decided on 1.11.2006, but their claim has been set aside by the
Director, State Council for Educational Research and Training, U.P. Thus the
submissions made in the affidavit may be treated as the averments made in
opposition of the filing of present Appeal and the prayer made in the present
special appeal. Since the appellant may not initiate fresh proceedings by
challenging the order passed by Director, State Council for Educational
Research and Training, U.P on account of pendency of present Appeal, the
Appellants were permitted to file the Cross Appeal in support of judgment dated
14.9.2007 impugned in the present Special Appeal with the additional prayer
before this Hon’ble Court in the present appeal.
The aforesaid recommendations made in such
report are based upon the unilateral opinion of the members of the Sacchar
commission, who are themselves belonging to such linguistic minority groups
people with one or two member from the majority of the population belonging to
the its citizens and no public opinion has been invited by the majority of
population belonging to about 83- 85 percentage of populations of our country
and the others of those who did not left this country at the time of the
partition of India based upon the demand of such linguistic minority groups.
The objections raised by the elite citizens and the rejoinder placed on record
against the implementation of Sacchar commission report by the different groups
belonging to patriotic front comprising of the retired Army officers, retired
I.P.S. Officers, retired professors in the proficiency of the medicine,
surgery, engineering and in soft-ware having the protest against implementation
of such report.
The pretext of
having the power covered under Article 350-A of the Constitution, various
recommendations have been made allegedly by National Curriculum framework 2005
by the N.C.E.R.T. emphasized certain recommendations based upon probably on Sac
char Commission, wherein it has been observed that the Muslim Population is
predominantly ritual and the level of urbanization is higher than the
population as a whole. It is observed that 25% of the Muslim population
children in the age group of 14 years have either never attended schools or
have been dropped by their guardians. Thus by no stretch of imagination, such
alleged linguistic minority groups have not been given the facilities for
instructions in Urdu, nor the proficiency to teach the other subjects in the
medium of Urdu in the said curriculum.
The Appellants
most respectfully submits that by the bare reading of Article 343, Article 344 and Article 351
alongwith Article 394-A and Schedule VIII of the Constitution of India as well
as preamble of our constitution, an attempt is made in the society as a
multi-religious and multi-linguistic – caste ridden Indian, the competence of
the court to try the question of the public importance, which arose to the
public at large as the affected party.
In Paragraph
246 of the Eleven Judges' Bench judgment of the Apex Court in T.M.A. Pai
Foundation and others v. State of Karnataka
case reported in AIR 2003 SC 356, word minority was defined and it means 'a
non-dominant' group. It is a relative term and is referred to, to
represent the smaller of two numbers. Considering the controversy of Muslim
minority in its entirety, this Court feels it appropriate to consider whether
the Muslims in India or in State of Uttar Pradesh are non-dominant group which
is the intention of the Constitution of India as held by the Apex Court in
Eleven Judges' Bench Judgment in T.M.A. Pai Foundation case (supra) followed by
the judgments of the Apex Court reported in 2005 (3) ESC 373, (2003) SCC
(6) 697, Islamic Academy of Education and another v. State of Karnataka and
others.
The
Appellant / Respondents are challenging
the propriety, jurisdiction and competence of the Government orders dated
16.2.2005, 18.3.2006 and order dated 15. 9.2006 have been declared to be
illegal and inoperative and such order has been found be a fraud and a
colourable exercise of jurisdiction as evident by the judgement dated 14.9.2007
passed in writ petition no. 44085 of 2006 (Km. Sunbul Naqvi Vs. State of U.P.)
alongwith other connected writ petitions and as such since the post required to
be filled up by conducting the special B.T.C. Course, 2004 general subject to
the Special B.T.C. Urdu trainees, 2006 and as such the present impleadment
application is filed in the representative capacity by the Appellants in writ
petition no. 38103 of 2006 as well as other affected person
Prayer
That
Judgement and Order Passed by Hon’ble The Chief Justice Mr. H .L. Gokhale
and Hon’ble Justice Pankaj Mittal of
Allahabad High Court in Special Appeal No. 1330 of 2007 in re State of
U.P. through Secretary, Basic Education, U.P. Lucknow and others Versus Km.
Sunbul Naqvi to the extend of rejecting the impleadment application of the
Appellant and allowing the aforesaid
Special Appeal may Kindly be Set
aside and the appellants and other similarly affected General Candidate seeking
admission in B.T.C. Course may be given
their right of selection in compliance of Judgement order dated 14.09.2007
passed by Hon’ble Mr. Arun Tandon in Writ petition No. 44085 of 2006.
ANNEXURE NO.
Extract taken from the observations made in the
judgement dated 4.5.2007 inre. Civil Misc. Writ petition no. 34892 of 2004 (
C/M Anjuman Madarsha Noor-ul- Islam Dehra Kalan, Ghazipur through its Manager
Vs. State of U.P. through Secretary Minority Welfare and Waqf Department.)
Historical Back Ground of Muslim Minority
Muslim community started claiming as religious minority only just before independence. Islam came in India in 712 A.D. through foreign invaders. First invasion was made by Mohd. Bin Qasim and thereafter a series of invasions were made by Mohd. Gajni and Mohd. Gori etc. Mohd. Bin Qasim established Islamic Rule in Sindh and Multan in 712 A.D. After Mohd. Gori, Mohd. Qutubbuddin Aibak, Akram Shah, Altmus, Gyasuddin Blaban, Razia Sultan, Jalaluddin Khilji, Alauddin Khilji, Firoz Shah Tughlak, IbrahimmLodhi and other Sultans ruled India and thereafter Babar established Moghul rule in 1526 followed Humaun, Akbar, Jahangir, Shahjahan, Aurangjeb and other Moghul rulers and lastly by Bahadur Shah Zafar in greater India. Indian society other than Muslim minority was ruled by Muslim Rulers for about one thousand years over most parts of India. For all these years Indian society other than Muslim minority was subjected to pay Jezia Tax in most parts of India to remain as Hindus and to perform their cultural and religious rites.
Relevant Paragraphs at page 50 of a Book 'Advanced Study in the History of Medieval India (Vol. III: Medieval Indian Society and Culture) by J.L. Mehta is relevant in the present context, the same is being reproduced below:-
"Mohd. Bin Qasim, who laid the foundation of the Muslim Rule in Sindh and Multan (711-12), secured the status of Zimmis for his hindu subjects from the caliph and accorded protection to their lives and property on the receipt of jaziya. Obviously, this step was necessitated as a matter of political expediency because in spite of the loss of independence, the hindu masses, in general offered odgged resistence to forced conversions. It was physically impossible for Qasim and handful of his Arab followers to compel the vanquished multitude 'to choose between Islam and death', particularly, when they were 'armed to the teeth'. Recognition of hindu 'idolators' of Arabia. His example was followed by the turkaofghan rulers of Delhi in their dealings with the hindus. The latter were not treated as full-fledged citizens of 'the Islamic stte' albeit they received status of zimmis-'the second-class' or 'inferior' citizens, which denied them all political rights and made them suffer from certain socio=religious and economic disabilities so as 'to prevent them from growing strong. In the words of Jadu Nath Sarkar,
"The very term zimmi is an insulting title. It connotes political inferiority and helplessness like the status of a minor proprietor, perpetually under a guardian; such protected people could not claim equality with the citizens of the Muslim theocracy."
There developed, with the passage of time, four schools of though for the authoritative interpretation of shara or 'the Islamic law'; these were known as Malakite, Shafite, Hanbalite and Hanafite after the names of their founders-Malik Ibn Anas (715-95 A.D.), Ash-Shafi (767-820), Ahmad Bin Hanbal (780-855) and Abu Hanifah (699-766), Doctors of the first three schools offered no other alternative but death to 'the idolators' including the hindus, on their refusal to embrace Islam. It were the exponents of the Hanifah school alone who permitted their existence in the Islamic state as zimmis. That explains the intesne hatred of the non-muslims by the orthodox muslims fanatics, in general; whenever a muslim ruler fell under the spell of such orthodox ulema, he adopted the policy of religious intolerance and persecution of his hindu subjects. It created a permanent gulf between the hindus and muslims which could not be bridged effectively for a long time. According to an observation, 'the politcal and religious condition under which the hindus were forced to live in a muslim state raised a great barrier between the two communities. The political supremacy of muslims was absolute; the hindus not only enjoyed no political status in practice, but could not even aspire to it under Islamic theory'. While living in their own country and in possession of their own hearths and homes, the hindus were reduced to the status of inferior citizens of 'an Islamic state' as the sultanate of Delhi was usually styled. On the other hand, the muslims, though in microscopic minority, constituted the privileged or the most favoured children of the state who enjoyed the bounties and benefited from all the public welfare and other state enterprises."
Relevant paragraph at page 42 of the Book 'Advanced Study in the History of Medieval India (Vol. III: Medieval Indian Society and Culture) by J.L. Mehta is also relevant, the same is being quoted below:-
"Thus, Islam does not separate religion from politics; in fact, the concept of religion in Islam emerged first, the state was 'an after-thought'. The additional Islamic law does not acknowledge 'the independent existence of state, nor is state regarded as a primary condition of human society. It makes the State completely subservient to the religion of the Prophet. According to the Islamic law, the state is only an instrument to serve the creed in the attainment of its objectives or fulfilment of ideals of the muslim brotherhood. The Islamic theory of state was, therefore, based on a three fold idea of one scripture, one sovereign and one nation; scriptu was the hly Quran, sovereign was the imam (leader), also called Khalifa (the caliph)- political successor to the Prophet, and nation was the millat-the muslim brotherhood. The basic feature of the state, according to this theory, was its 'indivisibility' in all the three aspects. It contemplated the establishment of a theocratic state based on the Islamic law, and recommended only one sovereign, the caliph, to rule over the whole of the muslim world. The caliph was styled as the amir ul momnin-'the leader of the faithful'; his office was thus a political institution based on Islamic injunctions. The sovereignty resided in the millat which elected their imam or the caliph, and the latter was under religious obligation to implement the Islamic law on and for the benefit of his muslim subjects. The Islamic government was, therefore, one which was composed of the muslims, by the muslims and existed for the happiness and welfare of the muslims alone."
This paragraph has references of Books such as Arnol J Toynbee, A Study of History: 12 vols; OUP, 4th impression, 1948, IV, p. 230, Wolseley Haig, CHI,III, p.-10, A.B.M. Habibullah, Foundation of Muslim Rule in India; Allahabad, 2nd ed; 1961, p.2., Toynbee, Study of History, pp.clt; VI, p. 285, Toynbee, Study of History, pp.clt; IV, p. 98, Toynbee, Study of History, pp.clt; VI, pp.98-100, Toynbee, Study of History, pp.clt; VI, p.5,129, 131-132, 245-60.
Pt Jawahar Lal Nehru in his Book titled as 'Glimpses of World History' (Published by Oxford University Press) has given detailed this in Chapter 66. Relevant passage finds place at page 214 of the Book, the same is being quoted below:-
".....Meanwhile, the people of the country, the Hindus, were being slowly converted to Islam. The process was not rapid. Some changed their religion because Islam appealed to them, some did so because of fear, some because it is natural to want to be on the winning side. But the principal reason for the change was economic. People who were not Muslims had to pay a special tax, a poll tax-jezia, as it was called. This was a great burden on the poor. Many would change their religion just to escape it. Among the higher classes desire to gain Court favour and high office was a powerful motive....."
How the assessment of amount of jezia tax was payable by Hindu population is clear from the Book titled as 'The Administration of the Moghul Empire' written by a Historian Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi. The relevant passage is being quoted below:-
"...The assesses were divided into three categories in accordance with their wealth. Those in possession of ten thousand dirhems or more were considered to be wealthy; those who had less than ten thousand but more than two hundred dirhems were classified as belonging to the middle class, those who had less than two hundred dirhems but enough, in addition to the cost of maintaining themselves and their dependents, to pay the tax were considered to be poor. The first category was required to pay forty-eight dirhems per annum; the second twenty-four; and the third twelve. These seem to have been the rates for the urban areas; in the countryside the government levied a flat charge of four per cent of the state demand upon agricultural produce. If the agents of government failed to collect the jiziyah from any one for an entire year, he could not be charged the sum later. A dirhem was roughly 550 English grains of silver..."
The history further makes it clear that population of any community played a vital role for affecting India's polity as well as Geography. Afghanistan was part of Greater India as Gandhar. It was also part of Greater India up to 1739 A.D. and Buddhism was a dominant religion in Afghanistan. Conversion of Buddhists into Islam in Afghanistan started process of separation which completed in 1739 AD when Nadirshah separated Afghanistan from India and merged in his empire. After death of Nadirshah Afghanistan became an independent Muslim State. Due to Islamic Rule for more than one thousand years in Sindh, Punjab, North Western Frontier Provinces and Bengal Hindu majority were converted into Muslim. In the year 1945, the percentage of Muslim population was 54 per cent and Hindus were 45 per cent and others were 1 per cent in Bengal only. Due to certain privileges to Muslims in India Greater India was partitioned in 1947 on the basis of two nations theory that the Muslims and Hindus constitute two nations. Present problem in Kashmir valley is also problem of Majority Muslim population whereas there is no such problem in Jammu and Laddakh where Hindus and Buddhists are in majority. History also makes it clear that due to special privileges to Muslims for more than one thousand years during Muslim Rule, though they were in microscopic minority and special separate rights to Muslims were given by Britishers also after 1906 upto Inidia was actually partitioned on the basis of Muslim population in undivided India. It is clear that population coupled with special rights awarded to Muslims, detailed above, played a greater role in changing history and geography of this country.
As has already been discussed above which is a historical fact that majority of Muslims were converted Hindus and has origin of Hindus ancestors who adopted Muslim religion for various reasons during the period of more than one thousand years of Islamic Rule in the country and the majority of conversion took place due to economic reason of poor who could not pay Jezia Tax compulsorily made payable by Hindu population. Historic Book 'Glimpses of World History' written by Pt. Jawahar Lal Nehru makes it clear that conversion from Hindu community to Muslim religion during muslim Rule took place mostly due to poverty and due to non-payment of Jezia Tax. It is only after the end of the Muslim rule, Hindus and Muslims jointly fought against Britishers in 1857 AD-the first war of independence against foreigners to re-establish India's own rule. This common-ness and nationhood lasted not for more than 50 years, when Muslim League was established in 1906 which started claiming separate rights on the ground of religion which was conceded by Congress as well as British Parliament which ultimately resulted in division of the country on the basis of religion and changed Geography of India.
The above careful study of the history makes it clear that minority rights were given for protecting their right and not to claim any privilege or special rights in comparison to Hindus, but to remove sense of insecurity and lack of confidence in minority, who opposed partition of India, but this minority right was misinterpreted by certain quarters and inspite of the fact that at present the population of Muslim Religious group is more than 18.5 per cent, they are still claiming themselves as religious minority community, though neither there is any insecurity nor there is any lack of confidence in Muslims whereas Muslim Religious group has now become single largest religious dominant group on the basis of population & strength affecting all walks of life including democratic process. It is further clear that in some States of India Muslim population is about 25 per cent and at least more than 13.8% on all India basis. In this backdrop, now Muslims have become a dominant group in all respects and have ceased to be a Religious minority community. As the matter before the Court is relating to Uttar Pradesh, hence the Court is expressing opinion only with regard to Muslim Religious community in Uttar Pradesh. This Court has taken note of historical background, judgments of Apex Court and debates of Constituent Assembly and is of the view that any further recognition of Muslims as a religious minority community will necessarily give rise to multinationalism in India and as such the State of Uttar Pradesh as well as Central Government may consider and pass appropriate orders to delete entry of Muslims as a religious minority community in India.
The above discussions made it clear that ancestors of present Hindu society fought and saved their religion, civilization and culture even by paying Jezia Tax for continuing as Hindu in Islamic Rule in different parts of India and present Indian generation should be grateful for saving their religion, culture and civilisation even under such odd situation.
It is further clear from the History that it was Akbar who did not impose any Jezia tax, but the same was re-imposed lateron by Aurangjeb.
During the period of Muslim Rule for about one thousand year, no member of Muslim community claimed any minority rights. The Britishers thereafter tookover the administration of India. First war of Independence in 1857 was fought by both Hindus and Muslims jointly. After 1857, first war of independence, certain social, political and religious awakening took place in the Indian society. A number of social reformers and religious leaders emerged who worked in the Indian Society some of them were Swami Dayanand Sarswati who established Arya Samaj, Sri Raja Ram Mohan Rai, Swami Vivekanand and various other awakening and political changes also took place in the Indian society towards their rights in this era.
Muslim community started claiming as religious minority only just before independence. Islam came in India in 712 A.D. through foreign invaders. First invasion was made by Mohd. Bin Qasim and thereafter a series of invasions were made by Mohd. Gajni and Mohd. Gori etc. Mohd. Bin Qasim established Islamic Rule in Sindh and Multan in 712 A.D. After Mohd. Gori, Mohd. Qutubbuddin Aibak, Akram Shah, Altmus, Gyasuddin Blaban, Razia Sultan, Jalaluddin Khilji, Alauddin Khilji, Firoz Shah Tughlak, IbrahimmLodhi and other Sultans ruled India and thereafter Babar established Moghul rule in 1526 followed Humaun, Akbar, Jahangir, Shahjahan, Aurangjeb and other Moghul rulers and lastly by Bahadur Shah Zafar in greater India. Indian society other than Muslim minority was ruled by Muslim Rulers for about one thousand years over most parts of India. For all these years Indian society other than Muslim minority was subjected to pay Jezia Tax in most parts of India to remain as Hindus and to perform their cultural and religious rites.
Relevant Paragraphs at page 50 of a Book 'Advanced Study in the History of Medieval India (Vol. III: Medieval Indian Society and Culture) by J.L. Mehta is relevant in the present context, the same is being reproduced below:-
"Mohd. Bin Qasim, who laid the foundation of the Muslim Rule in Sindh and Multan (711-12), secured the status of Zimmis for his hindu subjects from the caliph and accorded protection to their lives and property on the receipt of jaziya. Obviously, this step was necessitated as a matter of political expediency because in spite of the loss of independence, the hindu masses, in general offered odgged resistence to forced conversions. It was physically impossible for Qasim and handful of his Arab followers to compel the vanquished multitude 'to choose between Islam and death', particularly, when they were 'armed to the teeth'. Recognition of hindu 'idolators' of Arabia. His example was followed by the turkaofghan rulers of Delhi in their dealings with the hindus. The latter were not treated as full-fledged citizens of 'the Islamic stte' albeit they received status of zimmis-'the second-class' or 'inferior' citizens, which denied them all political rights and made them suffer from certain socio=religious and economic disabilities so as 'to prevent them from growing strong. In the words of Jadu Nath Sarkar,
"The very term zimmi is an insulting title. It connotes political inferiority and helplessness like the status of a minor proprietor, perpetually under a guardian; such protected people could not claim equality with the citizens of the Muslim theocracy."
There developed, with the passage of time, four schools of though for the authoritative interpretation of shara or 'the Islamic law'; these were known as Malakite, Shafite, Hanbalite and Hanafite after the names of their founders-Malik Ibn Anas (715-95 A.D.), Ash-Shafi (767-820), Ahmad Bin Hanbal (780-855) and Abu Hanifah (699-766), Doctors of the first three schools offered no other alternative but death to 'the idolators' including the hindus, on their refusal to embrace Islam. It were the exponents of the Hanifah school alone who permitted their existence in the Islamic state as zimmis. That explains the intesne hatred of the non-muslims by the orthodox muslims fanatics, in general; whenever a muslim ruler fell under the spell of such orthodox ulema, he adopted the policy of religious intolerance and persecution of his hindu subjects. It created a permanent gulf between the hindus and muslims which could not be bridged effectively for a long time. According to an observation, 'the politcal and religious condition under which the hindus were forced to live in a muslim state raised a great barrier between the two communities. The political supremacy of muslims was absolute; the hindus not only enjoyed no political status in practice, but could not even aspire to it under Islamic theory'. While living in their own country and in possession of their own hearths and homes, the hindus were reduced to the status of inferior citizens of 'an Islamic state' as the sultanate of Delhi was usually styled. On the other hand, the muslims, though in microscopic minority, constituted the privileged or the most favoured children of the state who enjoyed the bounties and benefited from all the public welfare and other state enterprises."
Relevant paragraph at page 42 of the Book 'Advanced Study in the History of Medieval India (Vol. III: Medieval Indian Society and Culture) by J.L. Mehta is also relevant, the same is being quoted below:-
"Thus, Islam does not separate religion from politics; in fact, the concept of religion in Islam emerged first, the state was 'an after-thought'. The additional Islamic law does not acknowledge 'the independent existence of state, nor is state regarded as a primary condition of human society. It makes the State completely subservient to the religion of the Prophet. According to the Islamic law, the state is only an instrument to serve the creed in the attainment of its objectives or fulfilment of ideals of the muslim brotherhood. The Islamic theory of state was, therefore, based on a three fold idea of one scripture, one sovereign and one nation; scriptu was the hly Quran, sovereign was the imam (leader), also called Khalifa (the caliph)- political successor to the Prophet, and nation was the millat-the muslim brotherhood. The basic feature of the state, according to this theory, was its 'indivisibility' in all the three aspects. It contemplated the establishment of a theocratic state based on the Islamic law, and recommended only one sovereign, the caliph, to rule over the whole of the muslim world. The caliph was styled as the amir ul momnin-'the leader of the faithful'; his office was thus a political institution based on Islamic injunctions. The sovereignty resided in the millat which elected their imam or the caliph, and the latter was under religious obligation to implement the Islamic law on and for the benefit of his muslim subjects. The Islamic government was, therefore, one which was composed of the muslims, by the muslims and existed for the happiness and welfare of the muslims alone."
This paragraph has references of Books such as Arnol J Toynbee, A Study of History: 12 vols; OUP, 4th impression, 1948, IV, p. 230, Wolseley Haig, CHI,III, p.-10, A.B.M. Habibullah, Foundation of Muslim Rule in India; Allahabad, 2nd ed; 1961, p.2., Toynbee, Study of History, pp.clt; VI, p. 285, Toynbee, Study of History, pp.clt; IV, p. 98, Toynbee, Study of History, pp.clt; VI, pp.98-100, Toynbee, Study of History, pp.clt; VI, p.5,129, 131-132, 245-60.
Pt Jawahar Lal Nehru in his Book titled as 'Glimpses of World History' (Published by Oxford University Press) has given detailed this in Chapter 66. Relevant passage finds place at page 214 of the Book, the same is being quoted below:-
".....Meanwhile, the people of the country, the Hindus, were being slowly converted to Islam. The process was not rapid. Some changed their religion because Islam appealed to them, some did so because of fear, some because it is natural to want to be on the winning side. But the principal reason for the change was economic. People who were not Muslims had to pay a special tax, a poll tax-jezia, as it was called. This was a great burden on the poor. Many would change their religion just to escape it. Among the higher classes desire to gain Court favour and high office was a powerful motive....."
How the assessment of amount of jezia tax was payable by Hindu population is clear from the Book titled as 'The Administration of the Moghul Empire' written by a Historian Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi. The relevant passage is being quoted below:-
"...The assesses were divided into three categories in accordance with their wealth. Those in possession of ten thousand dirhems or more were considered to be wealthy; those who had less than ten thousand but more than two hundred dirhems were classified as belonging to the middle class, those who had less than two hundred dirhems but enough, in addition to the cost of maintaining themselves and their dependents, to pay the tax were considered to be poor. The first category was required to pay forty-eight dirhems per annum; the second twenty-four; and the third twelve. These seem to have been the rates for the urban areas; in the countryside the government levied a flat charge of four per cent of the state demand upon agricultural produce. If the agents of government failed to collect the jiziyah from any one for an entire year, he could not be charged the sum later. A dirhem was roughly 550 English grains of silver..."
The history further makes it clear that population of any community played a vital role for affecting India's polity as well as Geography. Afghanistan was part of Greater India as Gandhar. It was also part of Greater India up to 1739 A.D. and Buddhism was a dominant religion in Afghanistan. Conversion of Buddhists into Islam in Afghanistan started process of separation which completed in 1739 AD when Nadirshah separated Afghanistan from India and merged in his empire. After death of Nadirshah Afghanistan became an independent Muslim State. Due to Islamic Rule for more than one thousand years in Sindh, Punjab, North Western Frontier Provinces and Bengal Hindu majority were converted into Muslim. In the year 1945, the percentage of Muslim population was 54 per cent and Hindus were 45 per cent and others were 1 per cent in Bengal only. Due to certain privileges to Muslims in India Greater India was partitioned in 1947 on the basis of two nations theory that the Muslims and Hindus constitute two nations. Present problem in Kashmir valley is also problem of Majority Muslim population whereas there is no such problem in Jammu and Laddakh where Hindus and Buddhists are in majority. History also makes it clear that due to special privileges to Muslims for more than one thousand years during Muslim Rule, though they were in microscopic minority and special separate rights to Muslims were given by Britishers also after 1906 upto Inidia was actually partitioned on the basis of Muslim population in undivided India. It is clear that population coupled with special rights awarded to Muslims, detailed above, played a greater role in changing history and geography of this country.
As has already been discussed above which is a historical fact that majority of Muslims were converted Hindus and has origin of Hindus ancestors who adopted Muslim religion for various reasons during the period of more than one thousand years of Islamic Rule in the country and the majority of conversion took place due to economic reason of poor who could not pay Jezia Tax compulsorily made payable by Hindu population. Historic Book 'Glimpses of World History' written by Pt. Jawahar Lal Nehru makes it clear that conversion from Hindu community to Muslim religion during muslim Rule took place mostly due to poverty and due to non-payment of Jezia Tax. It is only after the end of the Muslim rule, Hindus and Muslims jointly fought against Britishers in 1857 AD-the first war of independence against foreigners to re-establish India's own rule. This common-ness and nationhood lasted not for more than 50 years, when Muslim League was established in 1906 which started claiming separate rights on the ground of religion which was conceded by Congress as well as British Parliament which ultimately resulted in division of the country on the basis of religion and changed Geography of India.
The above careful study of the history makes it clear that minority rights were given for protecting their right and not to claim any privilege or special rights in comparison to Hindus, but to remove sense of insecurity and lack of confidence in minority, who opposed partition of India, but this minority right was misinterpreted by certain quarters and inspite of the fact that at present the population of Muslim Religious group is more than 18.5 per cent, they are still claiming themselves as religious minority community, though neither there is any insecurity nor there is any lack of confidence in Muslims whereas Muslim Religious group has now become single largest religious dominant group on the basis of population & strength affecting all walks of life including democratic process. It is further clear that in some States of India Muslim population is about 25 per cent and at least more than 13.8% on all India basis. In this backdrop, now Muslims have become a dominant group in all respects and have ceased to be a Religious minority community. As the matter before the Court is relating to Uttar Pradesh, hence the Court is expressing opinion only with regard to Muslim Religious community in Uttar Pradesh. This Court has taken note of historical background, judgments of Apex Court and debates of Constituent Assembly and is of the view that any further recognition of Muslims as a religious minority community will necessarily give rise to multinationalism in India and as such the State of Uttar Pradesh as well as Central Government may consider and pass appropriate orders to delete entry of Muslims as a religious minority community in India.
The above discussions made it clear that ancestors of present Hindu society fought and saved their religion, civilization and culture even by paying Jezia Tax for continuing as Hindu in Islamic Rule in different parts of India and present Indian generation should be grateful for saving their religion, culture and civilisation even under such odd situation.
It is further clear from the History that it was Akbar who did not impose any Jezia tax, but the same was re-imposed lateron by Aurangjeb.
During the period of Muslim Rule for about one thousand year, no member of Muslim community claimed any minority rights. The Britishers thereafter tookover the administration of India. First war of Independence in 1857 was fought by both Hindus and Muslims jointly. After 1857, first war of independence, certain social, political and religious awakening took place in the Indian society. A number of social reformers and religious leaders emerged who worked in the Indian Society some of them were Swami Dayanand Sarswati who established Arya Samaj, Sri Raja Ram Mohan Rai, Swami Vivekanand and various other awakening and political changes also took place in the Indian society towards their rights in this era.
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Yogesh Kumar Saxena Advocate Supreme Court
Supreme Court permits B.Ed. holders of IGNOU for special BTC
ReplyDeleteIGNOU / RTU B.Ed. students > won Legal battle ............
will soon become Teachers
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S U P R E M E C O U R T O F I N D I A
RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS
I.A. Nos.51-52/2011 in
Petition for Special Leave to Appeal (Civil) No(s).9968-9969/2008
(From the judgement and order dated 03/10/2007 in SA No.1271/2007 & SA No.1299/2007 of
the HIGH COURT OF JUDICATURE AT ALLAHABAD)
STATE OF U.P.& ORS. Petitioner(s)
VERSUS
GYANENDRA KUMAR SHARMA & ORS. Respondent(s)
For modification of Court's Order dated 16.8.2011 and office report)
O R D E R
Application for modification of Court's order dated 16.8.2011 is dismissed.
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